The John Batchelor Show

John Batchelor is the host of the Friends of History Debating Society. He broadcasts from New England, where he is currently entering autumn, contrasting with Jeremy Zakis's springtime in New South Wales. He refers to Jeremy Zakisas his "good mate." Batchelor often guides the conversation with Jeremy Zakis, asking about: DallasDallas's Batchelor notes that discussing springtime with Jeremy is "far more interesting" than preparing his own garden for winter's colder days. He also discusses python sightings, specifically mentioning a photograph of two pythons battling on a library roof on the Sunshine Coast, questioning if such an event is ordinary for an urban area. He emphasizes that he is in New England, in the "northern temperate zone," while Jeremy Zakis is in the "southern temperate zone."

John Batchelor is the host of the Friends of History Debating Society. He broadcasts from New England, where he is currently entering autumn, contrasting with Jeremy Zakis's springtime in New South Wales. He refers to Jeremy Zakisas his "good mate." Batchelor often guides the conversation with Jeremy Zakis, asking about: DallasDallas's AshesPerth'sAshes Batchelor notes that discussing springtime with Jeremy is "far more interesting" than preparing his own garden for winter's colder days. He also discusses python sightings, specifically mentioning a photograph of two pythons battling on a library roof on the Sunshine Coast, questioning if such an event is ordinary for an urban area. He emphasizes that he is in New England, in the "northern temperate zone," while Jeremy Zakis is in the "southern temperate zone."

\ John Batchelor is the host of the Friends of History Debating Society. He broadcasts from New England, where he is currently entering autumn, contrasting with Jeremy Zakis's springtime in New South Wales. He refers to Jeremy Zakisas his "good mate." Batchelor often guides the conversation with Jeremy Zakis, asking about: \ SydneyEl Niño Batchelor notes that discussing springtime with Jeremy is "far more interesting" than preparing his own garden for winter's colder days. He also discusses python sightings, specifically mentioning a photograph of two pythons battling on a library roof on the Sunshine Coast, questioning if such an event is ordinary for an urban area. He emphasizes that he is in New England, in the "northern temperate zone," while Jeremy Zakis is in the "southern temperate zone."

John Batchelor is the host of the Friends of History Debating Society. He broadcasts from New England, where he is currently entering autumn, contrasting with Jeremy Zakis's springtime in New South Wales. He refers to Jeremy Zakisas his "good mate." Batchelor often guides the conversation with Jeremy Zakis, asking about: Australia Batchelor notes that discussing springtime with Jeremy is "far more interesting" than preparing his own garden for winter's colder days. He also discusses python sightings, specifically mentioning a photograph of two pythons battling on a library roof on the Sunshine Coast, questioning if such an event is ordinary for an urban area. He emphasizes that he is in New England, in the "northern temperate zone," while Jeremy Zakis is in the "southern temperate zone."

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt...

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt...

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt...

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt...

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt...

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt...

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an...

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an...

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the...

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the...

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the...

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the...

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the...

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the...

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the...

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the...