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The conviction of Marine Le Pen, leader of France's National Rally, which effectively barrs her from running in the 2027 presidential election, and her sentence to four years in prison presents a major challenge for her party. Once deeply controversial, the National Rally has been gaining popularity in recent years as it seeks to distance itself from its troubled past. The National Rally, formerly the National Front, has a complex history, having transformed from a party once openly sympathetic to Nazi ideologies into one that now seeks broader legitimacy, including forging alliances with pro-Israeli groups—a strategic shift aimed at expanding its appeal. This evolution mirrors wider trends among far-right movements across Europe and the United States, where such groups have sought to rebrand themselves in pursuit of mainstream acceptance. RFI’s Jan van der Made speaks with Nafeez Ahmed, author of Alt Reich, which explores the dark origins of many contemporary far-right movements.

The lawyer of Istanbul's jailed mayor Ekrem Imamoglu has now been arrested, alongside several more journalists, following the country's biggest demonstrations against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan since 2013. Ten days after the arrest and subsequent jailing of Istanbul's mayor, Ekrem Imamoglu, thousands of demonstrators have continued to protest on the streets of Istanbul, despite a ban. A popular opposition politician, Imamoglu is seen as the only person capable of defeating Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan at the polls in 2028. Imamoglu was arrested last Wednesday on corruption and terror charges and remains in jail. Turkey braces for more protests over Istanbul mayor's arrest Despite this, his party, the Republican People's Party (CHP), declared him its presidential candidate in absentia, after holding a symbolic nationwide vote last weekend that saw almost 15 million people cast a ballot. On Thursday night, police raided more homes, with Imamoglu saying his lawyer Mehmet Pehlivan had been "detained on fictitious grounds," in a post published via the mayor's legal team on social media platform X (formerly Twitter). It was not immediately clear why Pehlivan had been detained, but opposition broadcaster Halk TV said his arrest was linked to allegations of "laundering assets originating from a crime". Young protesters The Istanbul Bar Association meanwhile said 20 minors had been arrested between 22 and 25 March on charges of violating a ban on protests. Of these 20, 13 had been released but seven were still in custody, it said in a statement posted on X, adding that it was "closely following" the matter. Many of those demonstrating have only ever known Erdogan as Turkey's leader. "We have the right to vote, we have the right to choose whoever we want to rule us. But he [Erdogan] is taking that right from us," one protestor, who wished to remain anonymous, told RFI. Turkey's Erdogan wins election, extending rule to third decade Another demonstrator who also did not want to give his name added: "We want democracy, we want the people to choose who is elected. We want the free will to choose who we want without them being imprisoned." The unrest is at a level unseen since the Gezi protests of 2013, which almost saw Erdogan ousted. Demonstrations have spread across the country since last week, even reaching the president's traditional strongholds. Students have launched a nationwide boycott of universities, and opposition leaders are warning of a new escalation in their protests. Strategy could backfire Turkey expert Gonul Tol of the Washington-based Middle East Institute think tank told RFI that Erdogan's strategy may backfire this time. "In 2019, when Ekrem Imamoglu won the municipal elections in Istanbul, Erdogan didn't accept the result and called for a rerun," she explained. "While in the first round, Imamoglu won by a razor-thin majority, in the second round people got so angry and frustrated that they handed Imamoglu a bigger win. So this could easily backfire, and now that there are hundreds of thousands of people on the streets, this could turn into something much bigger than Erdogan had expected." However, Erdogan has doubled down, warning that protestors will pay a heavy price. "Those who are involved in treason and who set up an ambush for the brotherhood of the nation will sooner or later be held accountable to justice," he told his AK Party parliamentary deputies on Wednesday. Turkish radio ban is latest attack on press freedom, warn activists The president has also taken aim at the media. Turkish authorities on Wednesday detained BBC journalist Mark Lowen, then deported him on the grounds he posed "a threat to public order," the UK broadcaster said. Also on Thursday, Turkey's government-controlled regulatory authority slapped the independent Sozcu TV station with a 10-day broadcast ban and a fine, pointing to alleged violations linked to incitement to "hatred and hostility". Police...

Anger is mounting over the arrest of Istanbul's popular mayor Ekrem Imamoglu on corruption and terror charges. Seen as President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's main political rival, Imamoglu was arrested on Wednesday, just days before he was due to be named as the candidate for the main opposition CHP party in the 2028 presidential election. Imamoglu's opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) has denounced the detention as a "coup" and vowed to keep up the demonstrations, which by Thursday night had spread to at least 32 of Turkey's 81 provinces, according to a count by French news agency AFP. Opposition leader Ozgur Ozel told supporters: "This is not the time for politics in rooms and halls but on the streets and squares." Imamoglu was arrested in a pre-dawn raid on Wednesday, on corruption and terror charges, ahead of his expected election on Sunday as the CHP's candidate for Turkey's presidential elections in 2028. According to political analyst Mesut Yegen of the Reform Institute, an Istanbul-based think tank, Imamoglu is more than just a mayor. "Imamoglu is now [Erdogan's] main rival, it's obvious," Yegen told RFI, adding that as Istanbul's mayor he has a unique opportunity. "Istanbul is important for the resources it has, it's the biggest municipality. Here in Turkey, municipalities are important to finance politics." Popular appeal Opinion polls give Imamoglu – who defeated Erdogan's AK party three times in mayoral elections – a double-digit lead over Erdogan. This is because he is widely seen as reaching beyond his secular political base to religious voters, nationalists and Turkey's large Kurdish constituency. Some observers see Imamoglu's arrest as a sign that Erdogan is reluctant to confront the mayor in presidential elections. "If Erdogan could beat him politically with regular rules, he would love that. But he cannot be doing that. Erdogan wants to take him out of the political sphere one way or the other," explained Sezin Oney, a commentator on Turkey's independent Politikyol news outlet. "The competitive side has started to be too much of a headache for the presidency, so they want to get rid of the competitive side and emphasise the authoritarian side, with Imamoglu as the prime target," she said. Erdogan’s local election defeat reshapes Turkey’s political landscape Turkey's justice minister Yilmaz Tunc has angrily rejected claims that Imamoglu's prosecution is politically motivated, insisting the judiciary is independent. Erdogan sought to play down the protests, saying on Friday that Turkey "will not surrender to street terror" and discouraged any further demonstrations. "We, as a party and individuals, have no time to waste on the opposition's theatrics. We are focused on our work and our goals," Erdogan declared. Imamoglu's arrest comes as Turkey's crisis-ridden economy took another hit, with significant falls on the stock market and its currency falling by more than 10 percent as international investors fled the Turkish market. 'Out of sight, out of mind' However, Oney suggests Erdogan will be banking on a combination of fear and apathy eventually leading to the protests dissipating, and that Imamoglu, like other imprisoned political figures in Turkey, will be marginalised. "The government is counting on the possibility that once Imamoglu is out of sight, [he will be] out of mind," she predicts. "So he will just be forgotten, and the presidency will have its way [more easily]." Turkey is no stranger to jailing politicians, even leaders of political parties. However, Oney warns that with Imamoglu facing a long prison sentence if convicted, the significance of such a move should not be underestimated. "It's going to be extremely detrimental to Turkish democracy. You have jailing of politicians, but someone on the scale of Imamoglu will be unique," she said. Despite Imamoglu's detention, the CHP vowed it would press ahead with its primary on Sunday, at which it would formally nominate him as...

The overthrow of Bachar al-Assad's regime in Syria and its replacement by new rulers with close ties to Turkey are ringing alarm bells in Israel. RFI's correspondent reports on how Ankara and Jerusalem’s deepening rivalry could impact Syria's future. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's already strong support for the militant group Hamas has strained relations with Israel. Now, Syria is threatening to become a focal point of tension. Earlier this month, Erdogan issued a widely interpreted warning to Israel to stop undermining Damascus's new rulers. "Those who hope to benefit from the instability of Syria by provoking ethnic and religious divisions should know that they will not achieve their goals," Erdogan declared at a meeting of ambassadors. Erdogan's speech followed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's offer to support Syria's Druze and Kurdish minorities. "We will not allow our enemies in Lebanon and Syria to grow," Netanyahu told the Knesset. "At the same time, we extend our hand to our Druze and Kurdish allies." Gallia Lindenstrauss, an Israeli foreign policy specialist at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv told RFI that Israel view is not very optimistic about the future of Syria, and sees it as a potential threat to Israel. Success of rebel groups in Syria advances Turkish agenda "The fact that Turkey will be dominant in Syria is also dangerous for Israel," adds Lindenstrauss. "Turkey could build bases inside Syria and establish air defences there. This would limit Israel’s room for manoeuvre and could pose a threat. Israel wants to avoid this and should therefore adopt a hard-line approach." Deepening rivalry Ankara and Jerusalem’s deepening rivalry is shaping conflicting visions for the future of Syria. Selin Nasi, a visiting fellow at the London School of Economics' Contemporary Turkish Studies Department, "Turkey wants to see a secure and stabilised unitary state under Ahmad al-Sharaa’s transitional government. "Israel, on the other hand, wants to see a weak and fragmented Syria. Its main concern has always been securing its northern border," added Nasi. Israeli forces are occupying Syrian territory along their shared northern border, which is home to much of Syria’s Druze minority. However, Israeli hopes of drawing Syria's Kurds away from Damascus suffered a setback when the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which controls part of Syria, signed an agreement on 10 March to merge part of its operations with Syria’s transitional government. Mutual distrust As Damascus consolidates control, analysts suggest Israel will be increasingly concerned about Turkey expanding its military presence inside Syria. "If Turkey establishes military posts in the south of the country, close to the Israeli border, presumably with the permission of the government in Damascus," warns Soli Ozel, a lecturer in international relations at the Institute for Human Sciences in Vienna, "then the two sides would be in close proximity, with military forces on both sides. That, I believe, would create a highly dangerous, volatile, and incendiary situation." As Erdogan celebrates Turkish role in ousting Assad, uncertainty lies ahead Analysts warn that if Turkey extends its military presence to include airbases, this could threaten Israel’s currently unchallenged access to Syrian airspace. However, some observers believe that opportunities for cooperation may still exist. "Things can change," says Israeli security analyst Lindenstrauss. "Israel and Turkey could resume cooperation and potentially contribute to Syria’s reconstruction in a way that does not threaten Israel. However, this does not appear to be the path the Erdogan regime is currently taking, nor does it seem to be the direction chosen by Netanyahu and his government." With Erdogan and Netanyahu making little secret of their mutual distrust, analysts warn that their rivalry is likely to spill over into Syria, further...

France's recent military withdrawals from the Sahel and West Africa are leaving a void that Turkey is keen to exploit, experts told RFI. But while Turkey is profiting from its position as a NATO member and experienced arms exporter, it needs to be careful not to overstretch itself in terms of resources on the continent. France's handover of its sole base in Côte d'Ivoire and a pullout in January from Chad are part of a broader reduction of the French army's presence across the region. "What we are living in now is a transformational age," international relations expert Federico Donelli of Trieste University told RFI. "Many traditional players like France, for example, in that region of Africa are downgrading their own engagement in this area. Not because they have some economic or political constraint but because the local states want them to leave the region." Donelli believes the door is now open to new players, such as Turkey. "Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has invested heavily in Africa, quadrupling Turkey's embassy presence across Africa in the past two decades. Erdogan, a devout Muslim, also plays the Muslim card and reminds his African audiences of France's colonial past," he says. Insurgent threats However, Elem Tepecikoglu of Ankara's Social Sciences University believes the breakthrough for Turkey came with the French military failing to deal with insurgent threats in the Sahel and broader West Africa. "The image of France is in tatters because the regional countries criticise French missions for failing to help them fight with terrorist groups and for bringing more harm than good," explains Tepecikoglu. Tepecikoglu claims Erdogan's Africa policy caught the regional zeitgeist. "Together with rising anti-French sentiments, this brings opportunities for other countries to step in, and Turkey has several defense or mutual cooperation agreements with Sahelian countries. And according to some sources, Turkey has deployed military advisers and drones at the Abéché base in Chad," adds Tepecikoglu. Macron’s Africa 'reset' stumbles as leaders call out colonial overtones Deepening Senegalese and Turkish military ties was on the agenda at an Istanbul meeting in October. Shortly after the high-profile gathering, Senegal called for the removal of French forces. Turkey's vibrant arms industry selling battle-proven weapons invariably cheaper than its Western competitors, as well as having few, if any, restrictions on use, is complementing Ankara's traditional diplomatic tools in its bid to broaden its influence. "Turkish defense products are now very popular in African markets. So this also applies to Sahelian countries," explains Tepecikoglu, "For example, Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Chad acquired Turkish drones. While other Sahelian countries acquired other Turkish military equipment." Overstretch Turkey remains a relatively small player against the giants of Russia, China, and the United States in the battle to secure economic and diplomatic influence. But the growing competition between Western and Eastern powers could be to Turkey's advantage, says Donelli. "So, for an African state, establishing a security agreement with Turkey is less costly in political terms in comparison with relations with Russia because that doesn't mean 'I break with the West, but I'm doing something with a NATO member'. This is really important," adds Donelli. Turkey and Italy consider teaming up to seek new influence in Africa But Turkey's rapid expansion into Africa does not come cheap what with diplomatic representations across the continent, growing military presence, such as army and naval bases in Libya and Africa. "Turkey is expanding too much. This is called overstretch in diplomatic language," warns International relations professor Huseyin Bagci of Ankara Middle East Technical University. "So, Turkey's military and economic capabilities are actually limited. The more you expand, the more you have to pay,"...

With war at Europe's doorstep and US support uncertain, the continent must focus on military readiness and strategic autonomy. RFI's David Coffey speaks with Serge Stroobants of the Institute for Economics and Peace on whether Europe can defend itself and at what cost. The sharp decline in US-Ukraine relations has raised doubts about American support for Europe, as the continent assesses its ability to defend itself against a threat from Russia. Donald Trump's decision to cut military aid to Ukraine this week signals a massive shift in US foreign policy and raises questions about America’s commitment to Europe's security. From shortages in the number of tanks and the availablity of artillery, to the debate over a unified European army, leaders must decide whether to bolster national forces or embrace deeper military cooperation. As France and the UK guard their nuclear arsenals and Russia tests Europe’s resolve, can the EU build a credible deterrent, or will it continue to rely on America? The Director for Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa at the Institute for Economics and Peace, Serge Stroobants, explained to RFI that Europe lacks the capacity to react quickly to security threats, with defence procurement bogged down by fragmentation and slow production timelines. As early as 2016, Germany’s defence industry acknowledged that no major projects would reach completion for at least six to eight years. Today the projections are even worse. “If you want to invest quickly in the military – into defence, into new equipment and weapon systems – these need to be bought off the shelf outside of Europe [and] 80 percent of that investment would [come from] outside of Europe,” with the US, Turkey, and South Korea as key suppliers. Defence neglected Beyond military upgrades, Europe faces a broader challenge as its entire economic and state system must adapt to meet modern security demands. EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s recent pledge to cut red tape for defence procurement is a step in the right direction, Stroobants says, but it comes too late and under pressure from events rather than forward planning. “The problem is – as is so often with the EU – we are doing this under the pressure of the events. We're not doing this in advance. We're not planning. We don't have a strategy." Despite being a continent of 500 million people – and the world's third-largest economic and military power – Europe remains unable to ensure its own security due to a longstanding lack of strategic foresight and neglect of defence spending. As it stands, a unified EU defence force remains a challenge due to Europe’s struggle to coordinate military policy alongside foreign diplomacy and development. Stroobants explains that peace and security are based on three pillars – diplomacy, development and defence. “When you look at the EU, this has been done for almost 75 years, but if you are not able to integrate foreign policy and foreign development...and have common influence outside of European borders? Well, it doesn't really help to only unify just one of those three pillars," he said. While the EU has made progress in development and soft power, true strategic influence for the bloc requires the full integration of defence and diplomacy to establish an undivided foreign policy and a stronger global presence. 'Europe must do the heavy lifting' in Ukraine, needs 'US backing': UK's Starmer Reshaping Europe “For 30 to 35 years now, we have been divesting from defence, but it's much more than defence. It's the entire society that has lived with the idea that we would live eternally in peace," Stroobants says. He argues that to independently deter Russian aggression, European nations must go beyond bolstering their military capabilities – they need to rethink their entire strategic approach. “If you want to be ready, you need to invest in defence...but you also need to reshape your society and your infrastructure,” he...

The imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers Party, the PKK, Abdullah Ocalan, has called for an end to the fight against the Turkish state. This opens the door to end four decades of conflict that has claimed over 40000 lives, along with implications for the wider region. In a packed conference hall in an Istanbul hotel, Ahmet Turk, a leading member of Turkey's pro-Kurdish Dem Party, read a statement by Ocalan calling for the organization, which he founded, to disarm and dissolve itself, declaring an end to the decades-long conflict. The PKK, designated as a terrorist organization by the European Union and the United States, has been fighting for autonomy and Kurdish minority rights in Turkey since the 1980s. Ocalan, imprisoned in a Turkish jail since 1999, made his disarmament call after the PKK suffered significant military setbacks in recent years "The PKK is almost finished within the borders of Turkey," explained Mesut Yegen, a political scientist at the Istanbul-based Reform Institute. However, Yegen claims with the PKK now primarily based in northern Iraq on Turkey's frontier, while its affiliate in Syria, the SDF, controls a large swathe of territory bordering Turkey all sides still have an interest in peace. "We know that the Turkish state needs a peace process because it's worried about the future development in the region in Syria and Iraq," added Yegen. Turkey looks for regional help in its battle against Kurdish rebels in Iraq Cautious response The Turkish government gave a cautious response to Ocalan's statement, saying it's waiting for the PKK to disarm. The PKK leadership based in Iraq, ahead of Ocalan's statement, declared it is looking for gestures from the government before any disarmament. "The peace process in Turkey will largely depend on what emerges, what kind of a deal emerges inside Syria," Asli Aydintasbas, a visiting senior fellow with the Brookings Institution in Washington, said. "So we're also seeing Turkey be more cautious. That doesn't mean, you know, Turkey won't reverse course if it feels there's no room to go with Syrian Kurds or inside the peace process in Turkey." Turkish armed forces are massed on the Syrian border with Ankara, demanding the SDF merge with the Syrian army under the control of Syria's new rulers, with whom the Turkish government has close ties. For now, the SDF leader Mazloum Abdi declared his force is not bound by Ocalan's disarmament call while demanding Ankara end its ongoing attacks on its troops. Turkey's Saturday Mothers keep up vigil for lost relatives Scepticism Analyst Mesut Yegen adds that ending the PKK conflict will come at a price for Ankara. "They're (PKK) expecting that in return for that, the state promises that at least a kind of autonomy or status for Syrian Kurds is going to be recognised by the Syrian regime, the new regime, and that the Turkish state also supports this kind of solution. "In addition to this, of course, the expectation is that some reforms will be implemented in Turkey with regards to the Kurdish question." Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has distanced himself from the current efforts to end the conflict, other than saying a historic opportunity exists for Kurds and Turks to live in peace but offering no concessions. For months, a crackdown on Turkey's legal Kurdish movement continues, with the removal of elected mayors and arrests of journalists and human rights activists. Trial of alleged PKK figures accused of financing terror begins in France Turkish commentator on Turkey's Politikyol news portal, Sezin Oney, warns unless the causes of the conflict are addressed, there's little hope of a permanent peace. "Probably, any disarmament or any disbanding of PKK would be a gimmick," warns Oney. "It wouldn't be a real actual disbanding, and it might just appear in a year under a different name. Because they would still have the pretext to argue that armed struggle is necessary because the Kurds in Turkey...

The future of American troops in Syria is in the spotlight, as Turkey and Israel push competing agendas with the Trump administration regarding the role of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces in countering the Islamic State group. The United States' military presence in Syria has been called into question, as President Donald Trump faces conflicting pressure from Turkey and Israel over the 2000-strong US force supporting a Syrian Kurdish-led coalition. The US force is supporting an Arab-Kurdish coalition of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in its war against the Islamic State (IS) group. Thousands of IS militants are currently being held in SDF prisons, but the US military presence now hangs in the balance. Turkey analyst Sinan Ciddi, of the Washington-based research institute, the Foundation for Defense of Democracies says Trump is in a dilemma because he ran on this promise of putting America first. "Getting out of foreign entanglements, not committing US troops and US money to parts of the world in which the US doesn't have any interest," he tells RFI. However, Ciddi warns a quick withdrawal would not be without risk: "The dilemma for Trump is that in a theatre such as Syria, if he were to pull back 2,000 troops, then you've got this major security threat." Turkey’s Erdogan sees new Trump presidency as opportunity Turkey labels SDF 'insurgents' However, a US pullout would be welcomed by its NATO ally Turkey. Ankara strongly opposes Washington's military support for the SDF, which it accuses of being linked to Kurdish insurgents fighting Turkey. International relations expert Bilgehan Alagoz, of Istanbul's Marmara University, maintains the US deployment has poisoned relations between the two allies, but says a withdrawal by Trump would offer a reset in ties. "I believe that there is going to be a new ground between Turkey and the United States," Alagoz said. "And Turkey will guarantee the safety of US soldiers and a successful withdrawal from Syria. So it is all going to be a kind of new negotiation between Turkey and the United States." Until now, US soldiers in Syria have prevented the Turkish military – massed on the Syrian border – from overwhelming the SDF, but time may be running out for the Kurdish-led forces. "Assuming that the US withdraws at one point from Syria ... this will mean the end of the diplomatic umbrella for the SDF that the US was able to put over them," according to Aydin Selcen, a former Turkish diplomat and now foreign policy analyst for Turkey's Medyascope independent news outlet. Selcen warns that the SDF has only a small window to secure its future: "Time is of the essence for the SDF to get their act together and join forces with Damascus... to fold their forces into the Syrian armed forces, which would also satisfy Ankara's security concerns." Turkey steps up military action against Kurds in Syria as power shifts Israel sees SDF as key against IS Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has close ties with Syria's new leaders, and is demanding that the SDF disband or face a Turkish assault. However, the Israeli government is voicing support for American backing for the SDF, given the risk posed by the Islamic State. "We know that the SDF controls prisons in which there are around 10,000 Islamic State fighters and families," explains Gallia Lindenstrauss, a foreign policy specialist at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv. "Nobody wants to see the resurgence of the Islamic State. And I think in this respect, the US understands this is a small number of troops [and] they are effective. So why pull them out?" Paris hosts global conference on shaping Syria’s future Lindenstrauss told RFI: "Israel has voiced that it does want to see the West continue supporting the Kurdish presence in northeast Syria, so there will be Israeli diplomatic efforts to keep the [US] troops there." Israel's foreign minister, Gideon Saar, recently underlined the importance of...

In a sign of warming Turkish relations, European leaders have started lifting their opposition to key military hardware sales, to the alarm of Turkey's rival Greece. The move comes as Turkey, Nato's second-largest army, is viewed as potentially playing a key role in Europe's security goals as doubts grow over Washington's commitment to the continent's defence. Greece is reacting furiously against France over the potential sale of the Meteor air-to-air missile to Turkey. The missile sale and the Turkish bid to procure Europe's Eurofighter threatened to erase Greece's military edge over its rival Turkey. Despite France and Greece recently signing a defence pact, French President Emmanuel Macron reportedly rejected Greek calls to block the missile sale, which is made by a European consortium headquartered in France. "I think that France's decision is related to what is going on in Ukraine," claims international relations Professor Federico Donelli of Trieste University in Italy "Turkey and European countries have the same geo-strategic interest," adds Donelli. "If you ask Turkey and Turkish policymakers, for them, the main threat to the security and stability of the country and integrity of the country remain Russia. So I think that on this point that France, Turkey, even other European countries converge". Turkey’s Erdogan sees new Trump presidency as opportunity Force With more than 800,000 personnel in its armed forces, including reservists, Turkey is Nato's second-largest army. The importance of the Turkish military to European security could be ascending with the looming threat of Russia and Washington demanding Europe take more responsibility for its defence. "We think it's an important part of being in a shared alliance together that the Europeans step up while America focuses on areas of the world that are in great danger," warned United States Vice President JD Vance at this month's Munich Security Conference. Turkey's poor human rights record has strained relations with the European Union, along with the authoritarian reputation of the Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan. But such concerns are being trumped by security fears. "After the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Turkey is starting to be perceived by Nato members as an important ally," explains Donelli. "Maybe it's not the best ally ever because we know that Turkey's not an easy partner, but at the same time it is the most useful one". Turkish President Erdogan ready to rekindle friendship with Trump Threat European leaders met this month to discuss Ukraine and the security threat facing the continent. With the Turkish army dwarfing its European counterparts, Ankara says it can play a key role in Europe's defence. "European allies understood that without Turkey, we cannot continue the defence of the European continent and Euro-Atlantic security," claims Turkish presidential advisor Mesut Casin. "And is Turkey ready to support this European security and defence capability? The answer is: 'Yes.'" Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, too, is eyeing Turkey's military. During his visit to Turkey on Tuesday, Zelenskyy underlined the importance of Ukraine's allies deploying soldiers to guarantee any peace agreement reached with Russia. "Two issues that are very, very important: a strong Ukrainian army, and the deployment in Ukraine from other armies like from Europe, and the United States, our partners," declared Zelensky at a joint press conference with Erdogan. Zelensky said he had discussed the issue with Erdogan but that it was too early to reveal the outcome of the talks. While Erdogan has close ties with his Ukrainian counterpart, the Turkish leader has also maintained good relations with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Casin insists if all agree, Ankara is well placed to assist. "Turkey, maybe we send our troops to peacekeeping operations. Why do I say it like this? Turkey joined many UN peacekeeping operations, and the Turkish army is very...

Syria's interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa visited Ankara on Tuesday, on the heels of a visit to Saudi Arabia – a move that is being interpreted as a balancing act by Sharaa between the two regional powers, amidst growing competition for influence over Syria. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan did not hold back on the hospitality when hosting Sharaa, sending one of his presidential jets to fly the new Syrian leader and his large delegation to Ankara. The Turkish president was keen too to underline the significance of the meeting. "I see today's historic visit as the beginning of a period of permanent friendship and cooperation between our countries," he declared in a joint press statement with the Syrian leader. Erdogan also announced that Turkey's institutions and ministries are coordinating efforts to help with Syria's reconstruction. Sharaa was quick to praise this assistance, saying: "The significant support is still tangible through Turkey's ongoing efforts to ensure the success of the current leadership in Syria politically and economically, ensuring the independence, unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Syria." Macron calls Syrian leader to discuss transition, terrorism, sanctions Ties with Turkey The new Syrian leader developed close ties with Ankara during the years of fighting the Assad regime. The Turkish military protected the Idlib enclave where Sharaa was based, while Turkey offered refuge to many Syrians fleeing the fighting. "Ankara will definitely be viewed as a positive outside contributor by these new Syrian rulers because of the fact that we here in Turkey are hosting over 5 million Syrians and that, also, Turkey helped protect Idlib," said Aydin Selcen, a former senior Turkish diplomat who served in the region, now an analyst for the independent Turkish news outlet Medyascope. However, Selcen cautions that Ankara should not overestimate its influence when it comes to dictating policy for its Syrian neighbour. "The centre of this Syrian endeavour, of this restructuring or this fresh beginning, will be Damascus. It will not be Doha, it will not be Ankara, it will not be Geneva," he said. Erdogan hails Syria leader's 'strong commitment' to fighting terror 'Islamic background' While the Syrian and Turkish leaders meeting in Ankara lasted more than three hours and was followed by an exchange of warm words, no concrete announcements came out of it – only vague commitments to cooperation in security and development. And despite Ankara's strong support for the Syrian rebels, Syria's new leader chose to make his first overseas visit as president to Saudi Arabia, one of Turkey's main rivals in the region. International relations professor Huseyin Bagci of Ankara's Middle East Technical University says the Syrian president is sending a message to Ankara. "He [Sharaa] is an Arab nationalist with an Islamic background, not a Turkish one," said Bagci. "And that's why many people expect that in the long run, there will be different opinions on certain regional issues [with Turkey]." For several years, Saudi and Turkish leaders have been engaged in a competition for influence among Sunni Arab countries. But Ankara is at a disadvantage, with its economy in crisis. Unlike oil-rich Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States, it has little cash to offer to pay for Syria's rebuilding. 'Realpolitik' Sharaa also appears ready to broaden his horizons further as he seeks to rebuild his country. "He has turned out to be such a realpolitik buff. He's turning and negotiating with almost everyone, including the Russians," observed Sezin Oney, an international relations commentator for Turkey's Politikyol news outlet. "They [Syria] will also be approaching Turkey with their own interests, and whether they're aligned with Turkey's interests is another question," she added. Turkey's ongoing military presence in Syria as part of its war against a Kurdish insurgency by the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) could...

With Iran suffering setbacks in Syria and Lebanon, regional rivals Azerbaijan and Turkey are stepping up efforts to secure a strategic goal through the Zangezur corridor project that Tehran had been blocking. Turkish and Azerbaijani foreign ministers met in January in both Baku and Istanbul as part of efforts to deepen economic and trade cooperation. Key to those goals is the plan to create a route dubbed the Zangezur corridor that would link Azerbaijan to the autonomous region of Nakhchivan bordering Turkey. The corridor, which would go through Armenian territory, is part of a Turkish-Azerbaijani vision to develop a trade route between China and Europe. Iran strongly opposes the proposed 40-km corridor because, observers say, it fears it would cut a vital route it uses to circumvent sanctions. Iran's ally Armenia also opposes the corridor as an imposition on its territory. But with Iran weakened by setbacks in Syria and Lebanon, Baku and Ankara see an opportunity to push ahead. "A weaker Iran is a huge opportunity for Turkey in the Caucasus," said Atilla Yesilada, a Turkey analyst for GlobalSource Partners. "The only reason why Armenia resists the establishment of the Zangezur corridor is because of promises by Iran to defend it militarily." But with Iran coming under pressure from the administration of US President Donald Trump, Azerbaijan or Turkey might be less likely to take Iran's threats seriously, argues Yesilada. Iran softens its stance However, given Iran's regional setbacks and the threat of increased pressure from Washington, Tehran needs friends in the region. "It would be good for Iran if the Zangezur corridor is opened. It then has much better and closer relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan," argues Huseyin Bagci, a professor of international relations at Ankara's Middle East Technical University. It will depends on "whether they want two countries which are not friendly or two friendly countries," Bagci adds. In January, Iran appeared to soften its opposition, with one senior Iranian diplomat declaring opposition to the Zangezor corridor no longer a priority. Tehran's apparent softening coincides with its deepening ties with Moscow. Since Turkey and Azerbaijan don't enforce many sanctions against Russia, Moscow supports the Zangezor corridor as a way to bypass international sanctions by creating new trade routes through countries that don't impose them. US position unclear "Russia is basically rebuilding its whole logistical network and this corridor is a potentially important part of this new network from north to south," says Tatiana Mitrova, a research fellow at the Center on Global Energy Policy at New York's Columbia University. "Therefore, Russia is saying: 'It matters. It's part of a new plan of diversification of our export and import routes.'" US and Armenia launched joint military exercises last year in a sign of their closer ties. Analysts suggest that Washington has, until now, contained Turkey and Azerbaijan's intentions. However, the new Trump administration has not yet positioned itself on the corridor project. Armenian political consultant Eric Hacopian warns Baku and Ankara could try to exploit the uncertainty. "Trump creates chaos, and chaos is an opportunity for bad actors to do things that they normally wouldn't do when there's no one on the watch," said Hacopian. Turkey’s Erdogan sees new Trump presidency as opportunity In 2023, Azerbaijan's army, supported by Turkey, defeated Armenian-backed forces over the disputed Nagorno Karabakh enclave. A final peace agreement has yet to be secured. But if Ankara focuses its efforts on reviving the stalled Azerbaijani-Armenian peace talks, then diplomatic gains could outweigh the economic benefits of the Zangezur corridor, says Asli Aydintasbas of the Washington-based Brookings Institution says . "Turkey can actually make itself a very significant partner (with Trump)," Aydintasbas argued, citing the Armenian-Azerbaijan peace...

With Donald Trump returning to the White House on Monday, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan sees a chance to rekindle what he calls his "close working relationship" with the incoming US leader. But a Trump presidency could bring risks as well as opportunities for Erdogan. Erdogan was quick to congratulate Trump on his election victory, making clear his desire to work with him again. "Donald Trump is a man who acts with his instincts, and Erdogan is too," explains Huseyin Bagci, a professor of international relations with Ankara's Middle East Technical University. "They are not intellectuals as we used to have, big political leaders after World War II. They are tradespeople. They are very pragmatic ones, and they are political animals. In this sense, they like transactional policies, not value-based policies." Syria a key focus Erdogan’s top priority is expected to be securing the withdrawal of US forces from Syria, where they support the Kurdish militia YPG in the fight against the Islamic State. Ankara views the YPG as a terrorist group linked to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), which has waged an insurgency in Turkey for decades. During his first presidency, Trump promised to pull US forces out of Syria, though this move faced strong resistance from American officials. Sezin Oney, a commentator with Turkey’s independent Politikyol news portal, said new challenges in Syria make an early withdrawal unlikely. "Not to have the ISIS resurgence again or this HTS presenting a threat to the United States, the Trump administration would be interested in protecting the YPG and the Kurds, their alliance with the Kurds," said Oney. "We already have the (US) vice president, JD Vance, pointing out the ISIS resurgence." Turkey steps up military action against Kurds in Syria as power shifts Israel and Iran The ceasefire between Hamas and Israel could ease another potential point of tension between Erdogan and Trump, as Erdogan has been a strong supporter of Hamas. Meanwhile, both Ankara and Washington share concerns over Iran’s regional influence, which could encourage cooperation between the two leaders. "Trump administration is coming in with a desire to stabilise relations with Turkey," said Asli Aydintasbas, an analyst with the Brookings Institution. "We are likely to see more and more of a personal rapport, personal relationship, which had been missing during the Biden administration," she added. "President Erdogan and President Trump will get along famously. But it does not mean Turkey gets all of its policy options." Success of rebel groups in Syria advances Turkish agenda Fighter jets and Ukraine Erdogan is also hoping the Trump administration will lift a Congressional embargo on advanced fighter jet sales. Experts suggest Turkey could play a key role in any Trump-led efforts to negotiate a ceasefire in the Ukraine war, given Erdogan’s ties with both Russia and Ukraine. "If Trump is pushing for a ceasefire in Ukraine between Russia and Ukraine, in this case Turkey could be very helpful as a potential mediator," said Ozgur Unluhisarcikli, head of the German Marshall Fund’s Ankara office. But Unluhisarcikli warned of potential challenges. "What happens in Syria could be a test for the US-Turkey relationship very early on. Turkey is actually preparing for a new intervention in northeast Syria against what Turkey sees as a terrorist organisation, and what the United States sees as a partner on the ground." Economic risks Trump’s previous presidency saw tensions with Erdogan peak after Trump threatened to destroy Turkey’s economy over its plans to attack US-backed Syrian Kurdish forces. This move triggered a sharp drop in the Turkish lira. With Turkey’s economy now weaker than before, analysts say Erdogan will need to proceed cautiously in his dealings with the new Trump administration.

The fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria is being viewed as an opportunity by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to return millions of Syrian refugees amid growing public resentment. However, it remains uncertain whether those who have built new lives in cities like Istanbul are prepared to return. Syrian refugee Hasan Sallouraoglu and his family have carved out a new life in Istanbul with a thriving pastry shop in Istanbul's Sultanbeyli district, home to around 60,000 Syrians. With Assad gone, the question of whether to return to Syria now looms. "It's been 10 years, and my shop has been open for the last eight years. We can start a shop there in Syria, too," explained Sallouraoglu. However, Sallouraoglu, with an ironic smile, acknowledges returning to Syria is a hard sell for his family. "There is not much excitement in my family. We see the news and we see that our country is completely destroyed on the ground. Ninety percent of it has been destroyed, so we need time to think," said Sallouraoglu. Across the road from Sallouraoglu's pastry shop, the owner of a clothes shop, Emel Denyal, is considering returning to her home in Aleppo but says such a move could mean breaking up her family. Nostalgia "We are all thinking about returning. But the children aren't interested. They love being here. They want to stay here," said Denyal. 'We still feel nostalgic for our land. We are still missing Syria because we were raised in Syria," added Denyal, "The Syrian generation growing up in Turkey doesn't think about going back. The elderly and my husband are considering returning, but my children aren't. Can we find a solution?" Since Assad fled Syria, Turkish authorities claim about 35,000 Syrians out of the nearly four million living in Turkey have gone home. The Refugee Association in Sutlanebeyli provides assistance to some of Istanbul's 600,000 Syrian refugees. Social welfare director Kadri Gungorur says the initial euphoria over Assad's ousting is making way to a more pragmatic outlook. "The desire to return was very strong in the first stage but has turned into this: 'Yes, we will return, but there is no infrastructure, no education system, and no hospitals,' said Gungorur. Gungorur says with only 12 families from Sultanbeyli returning to their homes, he worries about the consequences if Syrians don't return in large numbers. "If the Syrians do not return, the general public may react to the Syrians because now they will say that 'Syria is safe. Why don't you return?'" Over the past year, Turkish cities, including Istanbul, have witnessed outbreaks of violence against Syrians amid growing public hostility towards refugees. Turkish authorities have removed Arabic from shop signs in a move aimed at quelling growing resentment made worse by an ailing economy. Concerns for women Turkish presidential adviser Mesut Casin of Istanbul's Yeditepe University claims the government is aware of the Turkish public's concern. "We all saw the civil war in Syria. Four million immigrant people in Turkey and that has brought a lot of problems in Turkey ...even criminal actions. There's also the problem of border security. Turkish public opinion is opposed to the Syrian people today," said Casin. Erdogan is promising to facilitate the quick return of Syrian refugees. However, such aspirations could well be dependent on the behaviour of Syria's new rulers, "The Syrians you have in Turkey are mostly women and children. So it has to be a government and administration friendly to women and children, specifically women," says analyst Sezin Oney of the independent Turkish news portal Medyascope. "But we don't know with these, Islamist, jihadist groups. Will they be really friendly towards these othe groups? So I don't see the return of the Syrians who are in Turkey, really," added Oney. Erdogan is pledging that the return of the Syrians will be voluntary. However, analysts suggest more decisive action may be necessary, as the...

Turkish-backed forces have launched a new offensive against Kurdish fighters in Syria following the collapse of the Assad regime. The Syrian National Army, supported by Turkish air power, is pushing against the US-supported People's Defense Units (YPG), which Ankara claims is linked to the Kurdistan Workers' Party, the PKK, which has been fighting Turkey for decades. The YPG controls a large swathe of Syria bordering Turkey, which Ankara says poses a security threat. Turkish foreign minister Hakan Fidan says Turkey is determined to prevent the YPG and its affiliate the PKK from exploiting a power vacuum following the fall of former Syrian president Bashar al-Assad. As Erdogan celebrates Turkish role in ousting Assad, uncertainty lies ahead "We are in communication with the groups to make sure that terrorist organisations, especially Daesh [Islamic State] and the PKK, are not taking advantage of the situation," he said. "Turkey is committed to continuing the fight against terrorism. All minorities – non-Muslims, Christians, non-Arabs, Kurds – should be treated equally." Opportunity for Ankara Ever since the YPG took over control of the Syrian territory at the beginning of the Syrian civil war, Ankara has been seeking to remove it. With the ousting of the Assad regime and the withdrawal of its Iranian and Russian backers, which had in the past blocked Turkish military interventions, analysts say Ankara now sees an opportunity to finally remove the YPG threat. "The current situation creates an opportunity for its [Turkey's] fight against PKK and YPG because there is now no Russia, there is no Iran," explains Bilgehan Alagoz, a professor of international relations at Istanbul's Marmara University. "Turkey was facing the Russian forces, the Iranian forces, and Assad's regime forces while it was combatting the PKK and YPG," she added. "We can name it as an opportunity for its fight against PKK and YPG." Success of rebel groups in Syria advances Turkish agenda However, the YPG is still being supported by a small US military force, as part of the war against the Islamic State (IS). The YPG is also detaining thousands of IS militants. 'The Euphrates is a line' With the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army now approaching the Euphrates River, analysts say further eastward advances could put Ankara on a collision course with both Washington, and Syria's new rulers – Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS. "The Euphrates now is like a line perhaps for the US military," explains Aydin Selcen, a former senior Turkish diplomat who served in the region and is now a foreign policy analyst for Turkey's independent Medyascope news outlet. "If that [military advance] goes on as such, it could bring Turkey indirectly head to head with the US, with even perhaps HTS, and it could put Ankara in a delicate diplomatic position again," warned Selcen. Tensions with Israel The Israeli military's advance into Syria is adding to Ankara's concerns over the threat posed by the PYG and its political wing, the Democratic Union Party (PYD). Israeli foreign minister Gideon Saar last month described the Kurds as a "natural ally" of Israel, a comment that came amid growing Israeli-Turkish tensions. Turkey seeks Gaza ceasefire role despite US criticism over Hamas ties "Israel is now carving out a corridor [in Syria] between the PKK/PYD-controlled territories, and its own territories," explained Hasan Unal, a professor of international relations at Ankara's Baskent University. "That suggests that this is what they [Israel] are trying to do – [to create] a Kurdish puppet state east of the Euphrates. And this is something that is likely to create lots of problems with Turkey," he added. With Israel's presence in Syria, Ankara is likely to step up pressure on the YPG, and on the incoming Trump administration to end US military presence in Syria.

As the Israel-Hamas conflict continues, a collection of films titled From Ground Zero, created by Gaza-based filmmakers, has earned a place at the Oscars. The project, overseen by Palestinian filmmaker Rashid Masharawi, includes 22 short films spanning documentary, animation, and drama. The films aim to share the voices of people living through the conflict in Gaza, offering a glimpse into their fears, dreams and hopes. "The idea for From Ground Zero came immediately, in the second month of this ongoing war, to try to pick up films and stories from Gaza," Masharawi told RFI. He explained that the goal was to give filmmakers in Gaza the chance to make their own films. As a recent report from Reporters Without Borders (RSF) underlines the toll of the war on Palestinian journalists, RFI spoke with him and his team in Paris. RSF says Israel responsible for one-third of journalist deaths in 2024 The shorts, ranging from three to six minutes, are "a mix between fiction, documentaries, video art and even experimental films," he said. "We are filmmakers, we are dealing with cinema. Even if it's a catastrophe, it's very tough with all the massacres. But we were also trying to make cinema, to add life, to be optimistic and to add hope." The 112-minute collection is presented as a feature film in two parts. Contributors include Reema Mahmoud, Muhammad Al Sharif, Tamer Nijim and Alaa Islam Ayou. From film festivals to the Oscars After premiering at the Toronto Film Festival in September, From Ground Zero toured film festivals across Europe, North Africa and South West Asia in November and December. Screenings have taken place at the French Arab Film Festival near Paris, the Bristol Palestine Film Festival and in London. Additional showings are scheduled for Morocco and Egypt. Earlier this year, Masharawi held an outdoor screening of the film during the Cannes Film Festival to protest its exclusion from the event. Now, the collection has been selected to represent Palestine at the Oscars in March 2025, with hopes of a wider release in the United States, Europe and the Middle East. UN rapporteur says Israel's war in Gaza is 'emptying the land completely' Emerging voices The project was made possible by the Masharawi Fund for Gaza Filmmakers, launched in November 2023 to support creative talent from the territory. Masharawi, who is from Gaza, is one of the first Palestinian filmmakers to have directed cinema projects in the occupied Palestinian territories. His first film, Travel Document, was released in 1986, followed by The Shelter in 1989 and Long Days in Gaza in 1991. The executive producer of the film, Laura Nikolov, who is French and based in France, is travelling with Masharawi to promote the film around the world. "It's a very unique project," she told RFI. "We have now translated it into 10 different languages. We made this to allow the voices of the Gazan people [to be heard] and it's working. I think we've reached more than 60, perhaps 80 screenings and festivals." With its selection for the Oscars, Nikolov is hopeful that the film will reach even wider audiences. "This means it will be shown in cinemas in the United States," she said, adding that they hope to expand its reach across Europe and the Middle East.

Ankara, one of the principal backers of some of the Syrian rebels who ousted President Bashar al-Assad, is being seen as a winner in the overthrow of the Assad regime. However, analysts warn much of the success of the operation will depend on whether a stable government emerges. This dramatic end to the Assad family's half-century rule over Syria marks a significant shift in the region's balance of power, with analysts predicting that Turkey’s influence in Syria could now grow at the expense of its regional rivals. "Turkey emerged… by proving its relevance, importance and its strength… out of these latest developments in Syria… as the clean, clear winner," says Aydin Selcen, a former senior Turkish diplomat who served in the region and is now a foreign policy analyst for Turkey's independent Medyascope news outlet. "And Iran is definitely the loser. And Russia also is pushed aside." Success of rebel groups in Syria advances Turkish agenda The Turkish-backed Syrian National Army played a role in the overthrow of Assad. However, it was the radical Islamist group Hayat Tahir Al Sham – or HTS – that led the offensive. And that, analysts say, will be a cause for apprehension in Ankara. "Despite all the jubilation of the Turkish press and the government and the circles that support the government about the collapse of the Assad regime in general, I would think there is some uneasiness," says Hasan Unal, professor of international relations at Ankara's Baskent University. "I can see it through lots of problematic issues that would be coming out of what's going to happen," he added, "because of the ideological Islamist leanings of the incumbent government and… the Islamic jihadist terrorist groups associated with it." Support and protection However, Turkey may not be entirely without influence over Syria's new Islamist leaders. For years, it provided support and protection to the Idlib region of Syria, where HTS was based. Analyst Aydin Selcen suggests Ankara could retain significant influence if recent statements by HTS leadership calling for an inclusive Syrian government are honoured. "If pragmatism prevails, that's perhaps where Turkey and Ankara may come in. And also Ankara definitely will be viewed as a positive outside contributor by these new Syrian rulers, because of the fact that we here in Turkey are hosting over 5 million Syrians and also that Turkey helped protect Idlib." Turkish foreign minister Hakan Fidan, addressing an international conference in Doha last Sunday, 8 December, said that Turkey is committed to helping secure a politically inclusive new Syria. Turkey's Syrian refugees A stable Syria is also key to Ankara's goal of sending home millions of Syrian refugees now living in Turkey. Public resentment over their presence has grown, as the country has grappled with an economic crisis over the past few years. However, such a return may not be simple, predicts Sezin Oney, a commentator on Turkey’s independent Politikyol news site. "The refugees, the Syrians you have in Turkey, are mostly women and children. So it has to be a [new Syrian] government, an administration, friendly to women and children, especially women." "But we don't know if these Islamic jihadist groups will be really friendly towards these groups," he added. "There might be a Taliban 2.0 arising just across the border; we don't know what kind of administration HTS and surrounding groups will be. It's a big security risk; I don't see Syria settling down to become a safe clash-free place." 'Imperative' to work against IS in Syria, Blinken tells Turkey For now, Erdogan is celebrating the overthrow of Assad as a Turkish triumph, with European leaders and Washington queuing up to speak to him as Turkey positions itself as a key player in shaping Syria's future. But the sudden demise of the Assad regime underscores how quickly fortunes can change in the region, and the future of Syria – and Turkey's role in it – are today more...

The capture of Syria's major cities by rebel groups Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and the Syrian National Army, fighting against the forces of President Bashar al-Assad, offers Turkey the opportunity to achieve its strategic goals in the country. The lightning offensive of Islamist militant group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army, which has seen the rebels capture several major Syrian cities in less than two weeks, gives Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan leverage over his Syrian counterpart President Bashar al-Assad. "Turkey can easily stop both [rebel] entities and start a process. Turkey does have this strength, and Assad is well aware of it," said Murat Aslan of the SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, a Turkish pro-government think tank. Until now, Assad has rejected Erdogan's overtures for dialogue to end the civil war peacefully. "The Turkish intention politically is not to escalate in Syria [but to] start a political, diplomatic engagement with the Assad regime, and come to the terms of a normal state, and that all Syrians safely return to their homes," Aslan noted. Syrian rebels surround Hama 'from three sides', monitor says Syrian refugees an issue Erdogan is seeking to return many of the estimated 4 million Syrian refugees living in Turkey, amid growing public unease over their presence in the country. "According to the opinion polls here, yes, the Syrian refugees [are] an issue. For any government, it would be a wonderful win to see these Syrians going back to Syria of their own will," explained Aydin Selcen, a former senior Turkish diplomat who served in the region and is now a foreign policy analyst for Turkey's Medyascope news outlet. However, Moscow has a lot to lose in Syria, as a key military backer of Assad, who in turn has granted Russia use of a key Syrian naval base. "For Moscow, it's of crucial importance that the personality of Assad remains in power," said Zaur Gasimov, a professor of history and a Russia specialist at the University of Bonn. Syria rebel leader says goal is to overthrow Assad Gasimov warns that Turkey could be facing another humanitarian crisis. "Russia would definitely use the military force of its aerospace forces, that can cause a huge number of casualties among civilians. Which means a new wave of migrants towards Turkish eastern Anatolia." With more than a million Syrian refugees camped just across the Turkish border in the rebel-controlled Syrian Idlib province, analysts warn a new exodus into Turkey is a red line for Ankara. "If they refresh their attacks on the captured areas by indiscriminate targeting... well [we can] expect further escalations in the region," warned Aslan of the pro-government SETA think tank. "And for sure there is a line that Turkey will not remain as it is, and if there is a development directly threatening the interests or security of Turkey, then Turkey will intervene." Pushing back the YPG With the Syrian rebel offensive also making territorial gains against the US-backed Kurdish militant group, the YPG, Ankara is poised to secure another strategic goal in Syria. Ankara accuses the YPG of having ties to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which is fighting the Turkish state. France joins Germany, US and Britain in call for de-escalation in Syria "Without putting up a fight, and without getting directly involved, they [Ankara] have achieved one of their goals – for YPG to pull back from the Turkish frontier towards the south," explained Selcen. "I think Ankara now is closer to that goal." With Syrian rebel successes appearing to advance Ankara's goals in Syria, some analysts are urging caution, given the rebels' links to radical Islamist groups. "The crashing down of the Assad regime is not in the interest of Turkey, because there will be chaos," warned international relations professor Huseyin Bagci, of Ankara's Middle East Technical University. "Who is going to rule? What type...

Turkey is positioning itself as a key player in efforts to secure a Gaza ceasefire, despite its close ties with Hamas, which have drawn criticism from Washington. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has vowed to "make every contribution" to end what he called the "massacre" in Gaza. US President Joe Biden signalled this week that Turkey could have a role in mediating peace in the Middle East. "The United States will make another push with Turkey, Egypt, Qatar, Israel and others to achieve a ceasefire in Gaza," Biden told reporters. However, US officials have downplayed Turkey’s mediating role due to Ankara’s ties to Hamas. "We don't believe the leaders of a vicious terrorist organisation should be living comfortably anywhere, and that certainly includes in ... a major city of one of our key allies and partners," US State Department spokesman Matthew Miller said earlier. Hamas tensions Hamas leaders reportedly relocated to Turkey after the collapse of ceasefire efforts in November. Erdogan, a staunch supporter of Hamas, has described the group as a "liberation movement". Following the assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, Erdogan declared a national day of mourning. "There are rumours, and I don’t know how true they are, that many of those people have actually received Turkish citizenship as well," Soli Ozel, a lecturer at the Institute for Human Studies in Vienna told RFI. In a move seen as an attempt to placate Washington, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan stated that there are no plans for Hamas to open a political bureau in Turkey. Turkish presidential adviser Mesut Casin defended the policy: "Ankara will continue its position hosting Hamas number one. Number two, they will continue dialogue with Hamas in order to establish peace". Turkish President Erdogan ready to rekindle friendship with Trump Complex ties Despite tensions between Turkey and Israel, they maintain back-channel communication. In November, the head of Israel’s intelligence agency Shin Bet met his Turkish counterpart in Ankara. The meeting reportedly centred on the plight of Israeli hostages held by Hamas. "We have 101 hostages that are still, we don’t know their fate," says Gallia Lindenstrauss, an Israeli foreign policy specialist at the Institute for National Security Studies. "There are attempts to at least receive information about who’s alive, who’s dead, who’s holding them – Hamas or Islamic Jihad." Lindenstrauss cautioned that Israel remains sceptical of Turkey’s ability to act as a neutral mediator. "It would be very hard for Israel in general and specifically Prime Minister Netanyahu to trust Turkey to be a mediator that will be respectful to both sides," she said. While Erdogan’s public rhetoric often inflames tensions, analysts say Turkish-Israeli relations are shaped more by pragmatism than politics. "Turkey and Israel have one way of dealing with one another in public and another way of dealing with one another diplomatically and in security cooperation," Ozel explains. In a possible effort to build trust, Turkish authorities recently extradited three Uzbek suspects linked to the murder of an Israeli rabbi in the United Arab Emirates. Egypt and Turkey's closer ties spark hope for peace among Libya’s rival factions Challenges remain As Israel intensifies its military campaign against Hamas, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has rejected a Gaza ceasefire for now. "The reason for having a ceasefire is to separate the fronts and isolate Hamas," Netanyahu said Tuesday. "From day two of the war, Hamas was counting on Hezbollah to fight by its side. With Hezbollah out of the picture, Hamas is left on its own. We will increase our pressure on Hamas." Despite Ankara’s overtures, Israel has warned that Hamas leaders are not safe from targeting, even in Turkey. "They will find these Hamas leaders and target them wherever they find them," Lindenstrauss maintains.

In Turkey, hundreds of new producers are growing the country's wine industry, and its international reputation – despite increasing taxation and controls by President Erdogan's religious, conservative government. Grapes have been grown for centuries in Manisa, western Turkey. It is here that Fulya Akinci and her Spanish husband, Jose Hernandez Gonzalez, decided they wanted to be a part of the transformation of the country's wine industry. "In 2005, in 2006, maybe when you went to a restaurant, you would order red wine or white wine, that was it," explains Akinci. "In the last 15 years, there has been a real boom. We have so many, we say, boutique wineries. Now, with these small wineries, the quality has changed a lot." With their wine label Heraki, Akinci and Hernandez Gonzalez are part of this surge of new, small producers – a group which has grown to number around 200, from only a handful a decade ago. The couple trained at a wine school in Bordeaux and have worked in vineyards around the world. Hernandez Gonzalez explained that it was Turkey's untapped potential that persuaded him and Akinci to produce their own wine there. "As a foreigner, when I came to Turkey I was really surprised about the biodiversity of different grape varieties," he said. "This is a country with many different grape varieties. Also, [there was] the potential of the soils and the climate. We have mountains, we have the coasts – many different climates to make grapes. And the potential of those grapes to make wine is huge." France asks for EU help to destroy 'unprofitable' Bordeaux vines Government restrictions Hernandez Gonzales explained that rather than making wine from vines used worldwide, they decided to use indigenous grapes. "One of our main ideas here at Heraki was to make wines from those local grapes." In five years, their production has increased from a couple of thousand to 20,000 bottles. But the couple says this has been an uphill struggle. "We have some difficulties because of the bureaucracy – so much paperwork – and some pressures over tax... so huge pressures on us. It's not easy at all," explained Akinci. Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AK), which enjoys large support among Muslims, has, since coming to power in 2002, hiked alcohol taxes to 65 percent, among the highest in the world. There are also growing restrictions on wine production, sales and advertising. "We love making wine, but it's not easy at all. It's hard, and every day is getting worse and worse," said Akinci. Turkey's broadcasting authorities banned images of alcohol on television back in 2013, and in much of the country securing alcohol licences is difficult. Turkish radio ban is latest attack on press freedom, warn activists But meanwhile, government adverts promoting Turkey as a tourist destination abroad often highlight the country's wines as an attraction. With much of the wine industry based in tourism centres, experts say tourists are helping to drive demand and grow the reputation of Turkish wines. International interest "Wine producers have started to get better prices for their wines. They can now make money, against all the odds. There is international interest," said wine consultant Sabiha Apaydın Gonenli. Through her Kok Koken Toprak Conference (Root Soil Wine Conference) international symposiums, she promotes Turkey's wine industry internationally. However, she warns the industry still has a long way to go. "It's not that economically viable at the moment because it is very small. In order to market this, you need support. You can't do this alone, wine producers need to come together." Police break up French-Italian wine fraud ring As for Heraki wines, they are now being stocked at a top European restaurant and have secured a German distributor. But despite such successes, Akinci says wine-making in Turkey remains a bittersweet experience. "One day, we are so happy to make wine here, and we are thinking about increasing the...

The banning of an Istanbul-based independent radio station has sparked political condemnation and protests in Turkey. With a mission to bridge the country's cultural divides over the last 30 years, Acik Radio's closure is seen as part of the government's attempts to tighten its grip on the media. Turkey's media regulator, RTUK, revoked the station's licence, claiming it had failed to comply with an earlier fine and suspension. That order came after a guest earlier this year referred to the 1915 killings of Armenians by Turkey's then-Ottoman rulers as a genocide. RTUK ruled that the comment incited public hatred. While Acik did pay the fine, it didn't come off air, saying it was appealing the initial ruling in court. The revocation of its broadcasting licence has drawn international condemnation and alarm. "Acik Radio has always adopted a moderate language, reflecting various political views," Erol Onderoglu, the Turkey representative for Paris-based media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) told RFI. Onderoglu warns that banning Acik is part of a wider trend in the country of "eliminating media pluralism and weakening remaining minority voices". He continued: "It is in line with a political mission to impose a single official view on society, what they call national and patriotic journalism." 'Cultural hub' In Istanbul's Kadikoy district, listeners have been chanting in protest over Acik Radio's removal from the airwaves. Elif Unal, an avid listener, said the station has been an important part of everyday life for a long time. "They ban everything that makes us smile, that makes us feel happy," she said. "Most of the people in Istanbul, across Turkey, open their eyes listening to Acik Radio. Acik Radio is important because it's a cultural hub and also a political supporter of many organisations, NGOs and activists." Armenians warn ethnic cleansing risks being forgotten – again Protestor Mete Atature said he grew up listening to Acik. "Whichever programme you are listening to, you'll learn something. Not like a lecture, not like an education programme, but there's always something it leaves you with, and I miss that." He added: "From one side, of course, it's a shock. From another side, it's not unexpected, given the way the whole country is going. There is less and less free speech, and there's more oppression, and this is another example." Diverse voices Since its launch in 1994, Acik Radio has sought to bridge Turkey's deep cultural and political divides. Volunteers produce and present social and cultural programmes that represent the country's diverse population, including minorities. Yetvart Danzikyan hosted Acik's show "Radio Agos," a programme aimed at Turkey's Armenian minority. "We tried to make the unheard voices of not only the Armenian community but also all the other minorities, the Greek, Jewish, and Suryani communities," he said, adding that they were trying to bring even more unheard voices to the station's programmes. Turkey's embattled civil society fears worst as foreign funding dries up Turkey's main opposition parties are supporting the station, and say the closure is a government attempt to further tighten its grip on the country's media. For now, Acik has returned to broadcasting via the internet, securing a licence under the new name of APACIK Radio. But those who run the station feel they are fighting an uphill battle. "The general atmosphere is getting towards more repression in Turkey," Acik's co-founder Omer Madra said wearily. "But we are very determined to fight on, and we've had some magnificent support from all the regions of the country."